Political History of Turkey Republic – My Research and Notes on Mehmet Ali Birand’s Republic History Documentaries

In order to understand the present and analyze the future better, one must first be able to read the past. The 32nd Day allowed me to read my near future. After analyzing the past, it is more likely to interpret the future. Hello, I am Emirhan. In this post, I completed the 55-episode documentary shared by the “32. Gün Arşivi” YouTube channel, which I finished a few months ago but couldn’t find the time to write about on my blog, and took notes. First of all, I would like to thank Mr. Umur Ali Birand, who brought this documentary to light. The documentary starts with the 1930 multi-party system attempt (Free Republican Party) and covers key events up to the founding of the AKP in 2002. It includes many events such as coups, massacres, and wars. Additionally, the documentary shares side topics for further research. Below, you can see the notes I took. There was also a documentary called “50 Years of Cyprus” within the series, but I just watched it and forgot to take notes 🙂 It is an amazing documentary, I recommend it.

DEMİRKIRAT DOCUMENTARY – 32ND DAY
1930 – 1961

• LEADER
  • 1924 Progressive Republican Party
  • In 1930, Atatürk said the country’s way out is in a multi-party system (due to the depression)
  • Free Republican Party: Fethi Bey receives the slogan “save us” from the public
    • Adnan Menderes, the Aydın provincial head of Free Republican Party
  • Menderes owns a 3000-acre farm in Aydın. Çakırbeyli Farm. He was 31 at that time
  • Atatürk – Menderes meeting, he became Aydın deputy in 1931 (without his knowledge)
  • Late 1930s, Mussolini and Hitler start to rise
  • Atatürk passed away
  • İnönü became president, Bayar became prime minister, Bayar later resigned
  • İnönü became “national chief” with the party program (general chairman for life)
  • Exaggerated news about İnönü in the newspapers
  • Economic crisis and wealth tax during the war
  • Racism and Turanism began
    • Note: Celal Bayar was the founder of İş Bank and minister of economy
  • The brain team of Fuat Köprülü, Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Refik Koraltan
  • Stalin terminated the Turkish-Soviet non-aggression pact
  • Land reform, Menderes and other landlords opposed expropriation
  • Fuat Köprülü and Adnan Menderes were expelled from CHP
  • After May 1, 1945 (İnönü’s speech), preparations for forming a party began
  • The Democrat Party program did not oppose foreign policy, closing village institutes, or secularism, so İnönü allowed it
  • People referred to the Democrat Party as Demirkırat (Iron Horse) Party
    • Fight
  • January 7, 1946, DP was founded in Ankara. The four men who founded the party
  • DP collected donations from the public in its early days
  • CHP granted students the right to organize, universities gained autonomy, press crimes were pardoned, and some taxes were lifted
  • The title of “unchangeable general chairman” was removed at İnönü’s request
  • İnönü moved the election forward
  • The Democrat Party boycotted the election
  • Due to the cold atmosphere, DP entered the election
  • Mehmet Ali Aybar became a deputy
  • Fevzi Çakmak ran as a DP candidate
  • July 21, 1946 election. The case of ballot boxes being stolen; initially, the Democrat Party won, but then CHP won due to fraud allegations
  • Adnan Menderes won from Kütahya
  • Even without fraud, DP wouldn’t have won
  • Bayar argued that opposition should be conducted in the parliament, otherwise, anarchy could emerge
  • On August 5, 1946, the first multi-party parliament opened
  • When İnönü became president, the DP group did not applaud. The first sit-in protest
  • Adnan Menderes’ famous budget speech. It boosted his profile. He was called a psychopath. After that, DP left the parliament
  • January 7, 1947, the first congress. Ordinary people also attended
  • İnönü stepped down as general chairman and took on a mediator role
  • July 12 declaration
  • Vehbi Koç also commented on this. He was a CHP deputy at that time
  • Recep Peker was removed from the prime minister’s office due to his harshness, and Hasan Saka replaced him
  • İnönü became the mediator
  • Bayar was accused of being too conciliatory

Victory

1. April 1950 – As the election approached, Recep Peker and Fevzi Çakmak passed away. Only the public attended Fevzi Çakmak’s funeral, with little official recognition.
2. May 14, 1950 – First election with secret ballots
3. Headline in CHP’s newspaper, Ulus: “CHP Hands Over Power”
4. Commanders told İsmet Pasha, “If you find it appropriate, we can say ‘Communists rigged the elections’ and intervene.”
5. Rumors of military intervention before DP came to power
6. May 16, 1950 – İnönü left Çankaya Palace
7. May 20, 1950 – The Grand National Assembly (TBMM) welcomed new DP deputies – none of them knew each other
8. Bayar became president
9. Menderes suggested Fuat Köprülü for prime minister to Bayar, but Bayar chose Menderes
10. Bayar resigned from the chairmanship of the DP and passed it to Adnan Menderes
11. May 22, 1950 – Menderes became prime minister
12. Refik Koraltan was elected as the Speaker of the Assembly
13. For the first time, a civilian, Celal Bayar, became president
14. Bayar rejected the use of escort motorcycles, dismissing any symbols left from the “national chief” era
15. May 29, 1950 – The DP would not touch reforms that the public had accepted
16. June 5, 1950 – The chief of general staff was replaced under Menderes’ administration

In Power

17. May 23, 1950 – Power shifted to the prime ministry (Adnan Menderes)
18. The 1932 law on the Turkish call to prayer (ezan) was repealed in June 1950, returning it to Arabic
19. When Bayar delayed the law on the call to prayer, Menderes resigned, but Bayar didn’t accept the resignation. The call to prayer law was later enacted
20. Menderes tried to erase İnönü’s influence (removing his image from the currency, opening the presidential train to the public, etc.)
21. Kasım Gülek became the general secretary of the CHP
22. June 25, 1950 – The Korean War broke out
23. Turkey’s contribution to the United Nations in Korea could open NATO’s doors
24. The Korean contingent was dispatched without consulting the parliament
25. In February 1952, Turkey joined NATO alongside Greece at the Lisbon summit
26. With Marshall Plan aid, tractors and harvesters arrived, and in 1953, Turkey became the world’s 4th largest wheat producer
27. In 1951, Truman granted a $25 million loan for the Seyhan Dam project. A request for $40 million from the World Bank was denied
28. The Seyhan Dam project was given to Süleyman Demirel, an engineer at the time working for the State Hydraulic Works
29. The U.S. ambassador, George McGhee, helped with the petroleum law of the time
30. Discussions arose about transferring CHP’s single-party assets to the treasury
31. Ahmet Emin Yalman, a target of extremists, was shot but survived
32. November 10, 1953 – Atatürk’s body was moved to Anıtkabir
33. The Nation Party was shut down for fundamentalist actions
34. The “Unjust Enrichment Law” aimed to confiscate CHP’s assets
35. CHP deputies, including İnönü, walked out of parliament
36. The Ulus newspaper was closed, and its assets were transferred to the treasury
37. April 1954 – Election campaigns began
38. May 2, 1954 – The DP received the highest vote share in multi-party history

Crisis

39. Menderes’ visit to the U.S.
40. Menderes impressed the Soviets by speaking English fluently
41. Menderes requested $300 million in loans but only received a $30 million grant
42. June 1954 – Upon his return from the U.S., Malatya, İnönü’s stronghold, was split into two, and Adıyaman was established
43. Kırşehir, which had sent Osman Bölükbaşı to parliament, was downgraded to a district
44. The political rights of civil servants were restricted
45. Severe penalties, especially for the press, were introduced
46. There was unrest in the military, and rumors of a coup circulated. Coup plans were being made in the barracks
47. Discontent grew in the army following the restoration of the call to prayer in Arabic and attacks on İsmet İnönü, who was still viewed as a general by the army. Additionally, U.S. officers arriving as part of Marshall Plan aid irritated the military
48. In parliament, derogatory remarks were made about service members, further aggravating the military
49. Dismissals occurred within the military and the Ministry of Defense
50. Secret organizations formed within the military. Separate groups established in Istanbul and Ankara later merged in Üsküdar
51. Military officers took an oath to stage a coup
52. On October 29, 1955, the Minister of Defense made a disrespectful hand gesture to the Chief of General Staff
53. In April 1955, relations thawed at Ankara Palace
54. In May 1955, Metin Toker married İsmet İnönü’s daughter, and his magazine Akis gained influence
55. Cüneyt Arcayürek was arrested
56. Menderes became furious over a mocking article, “Cat and Mouse,” in parliament
57. Due to the issue of proving claims, many deputies were expelled or resigned
58. The economic crisis began to surface
59. Cyprus negotiations intensified
60. September 6–7, 1955 – The Istanbul riots: news spread that Atatürk’s house in Thessaloniki had been bombed (the news was false)
61. This incident inflamed the Cyprus issue
62. Attacks on minority-owned shops and churches in Beyoğlu
63. November 22, 1955 – Many ministers had resigned at the DP group meeting
64. Fuat Köprülü began acting against Menderes
65. Shortages and corruption were raised in the DP group, and rebellions broke out
66. Many ministers resigned under pressure from group members
67. The “Sarol Formula” was implemented

In November 1955, complaints within the Grand National Assembly (TBMM) group against the Democratic Party government had increased, and one by one, all ministers in the government began to be dismissed. By the end of the day, all the ministers had submitted their resignation letters to Adnan Menderes, who was observing the developments from a room in the TBMM. Among these ministers was Mükerrem Sarol, the Minister of State responsible for the press.

After all this chaos, Sarol went to the DP group in the TBMM and exclaimed, “Come on, this is shameful! Just 15 days ago, you were all in awe of Adnan Menderes. The man has been abroad for the last 15 days; did all these scandals happen in just 15 days?” The DP group responded to this outburst, saying, “We have no problem with Adnan Bey. We just don’t want the incompetent and unqualified people around him.” In other words, “Adnan Menderes is fine, but his entourage is bad.” Following this, Mükerrem Sarol went to his close friend and Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and said, “Don’t seek a vote of confidence for the cabinet, ask for it for yourself,” and explained what had happened. Adnan Menderes followed Sarol’s advice and requested a vote of confidence for himself from the DP group in the TBMM, and the group granted it to him. Thus, Menderes’ political life was saved, at least for the next five years.

• The Ministers Overthrown by the Group Were Investigated

•               Adnan Menderes is now standing alone. 

Pressure 

1. April 10, 1956 – Gaziantep – 23 judges were forced into retirement by an order. 

2. Censorship in the press increased significantly. 

3. False news and photos were being published. 

4. Many journalists started being imprisoned. 

5. The streets were gradually closed to the opposition. 

6. Kasım Toker was arrested. 

7. Fuat Köprülü resigned, stating that he no longer recognized the party he founded and that it was a national duty for the parties to collaborate in overthrowing Menderes. 

8. October 1957 – Before the radio broadcast ban, radio stations began broadcasting early, announcing that the Democrat Party was winning in certain areas. 

9. The decision for devaluation was made. 

10. The government received a report of preparations for a coup. 

11. The coup plotters were investigated. 

12. The Minister of National Defense was forced to resign. 

13. Samet Kuşçu was sentenced to two years for inciting the military to rebellion. 

14. July 15, 1958 – Istanbul – A coup occurred in Iraq. 

15. Iraq’s support for the Baghdad Pact was lost. 

16. The UK and the US recognized the new regime in Iraq. 

17. This event marked the practical end of the Baghdad Pact and the DP’s role as a representative of the Middle East. 

18. January 12, 1959 – Ankara – The CHP congress opened. 

19. Organizations like the Homeland Front started being established and broadcasted on the radio. 

20. February 17, 1959 – While Menderes was on his way to London for discussions on the Cyprus issue, his plane crashed. 

21. Many journalists, the flight crew, and others on board died. 

22. After this incident, other events were forgotten, and Menderes received a grand reception in the country. 

23. İnönü greeted Menderes on the train, but Menderes did not return the visit to İnönü, which prompted İnönü to put on his military boots. 

Rebellion 

1. April 29, 1959 – Uşak – A stone was thrown at İsmet Pasha’s head. 

2. A series of turbulent tours by İnönü. The army still regarded İsmet Pasha as a commander. 

3. It was claimed that İsmet Pasha was aware of the coup plans. 

4. Cemal Gürsel became the commander of the land forces. 

5. Alparslan Türkeş, Suphi Karaman, and Osman Köksal were appointed to key positions in the coup organization. 

6. The Minister of Justice resigned. Early elections remained in limbo (Celal Bayar believed early elections would lead the country into bloodshed). 

7. April 18, 1960 – Internal party commissions were established. 

8. The Investigation Commission was formed. 

9. This is where İsmet İnönü made his famous remark, “Even I can’t save you now.” 

10. The *Ulus* newspaper was shut down for another month. 

11. News began circulating about coup attempts in Korea. 

12. İnönü’s statement, “The Turkish nation is no less honorable than the Korean nation,” led to him receiving a 12-session ban. 

13. The press was completely silenced. 

14. April 28, 1960 – Beyazıt – A student was killed, 40 people were injured, and the police engaged in a crackdown – the events of “Bloody Thursday.” 

15. Students chanted slogans like “Long live the Turkish Army” – the Bloody Thursday incident. 

16. Menderes ignored the incidents in other cities (he made a radio speech). 

17. Celal Bayar opted for a hardline approach. 

18. May 3, 1960 – The headquarters of the land forces. 

19. They asked Ethem Menderes to convince Adnan Menderes to resign. 

20. May 5, 1960 – Kızılay – The code 555K: on the 5th day of the 5th month, at 5 o’clock, Kızılay Square. 

21. Bayar’s order to Kızılay: If the situation doesn’t calm down, open fire. 

22. May 15, 1960 – A massive rally was held in Izmir. 

23. May 21, 1960 – Ankara – The footsteps of the cadets were starting to be heard at Çankaya Palace. 

24. May 24, 1960 – The prime minister no longer wanted to hear any criticism. He wanted to hold a rally in Eskişehir. 

25. May 26, 1960 – Menderes’ door was knocked. “There will be a coup tomorrow, resign.”

Coup

1. May 25, 1960 – A semi-military regime is being proposed. 

2. Menderes travels to Eskişehir. 

3. May 26, 1960 – General Staff Headquarters – the army is still loyal to the government. 

4. May 26, 1960, 9:00 PM – Eskişehir – Menderes receives news of the protests by university professors and refers to them as “the black-robed ones.” 

5. 11:00 PM – Preparations at the Military Academy. 

6. Since the upper ranks of the military supported the government, the movement was expected to come from the lower ranks. 

7. Coup plans were only in their minds; there was no formal written plan. 

8. 3:00 AM, May 27, 1960 – Military Academy – The password was “revolution.” The central commander was informed, and he joined the coup with his troops. 

9. 3:30 AM, May 27, 1960 – Ankara Military Academy – Some military units were seized. The task of capturing the radio station was given to Alparslan Türkeş. 

10. The coup declaration was broadcast. 

11. 4:00 AM, May 27, 1960 – Eskişehir – No response from Ankara. 

12. 4:00 AM, May 27, 1960 – All positions in Ankara had fallen; only Çankaya remained. 

13. When Celal Bayar realized that Osman Köksal was one of the coup plotters, he prepared his pistol. His decision was to resist. 

14. 4:40 AM, May 27, 1960 – Ankara – İsmet Pasha accepted the coup, which had come right to his doorstep, calmly. 

15. People were being arrested left and right. 

16. 5:30 AM, May 27, 1960 – Çankaya – The Democrats had gathered at the Military Academy, but only Celal Bayar remained. He resisted. 

17. Celal Bayar attempted to commit suicide, but the soldiers stopped him and immediately took his gun. 

18. Menderes surrendered when Muhsin Batur came to his room. 

19. Cemal Gürsel became the leader of the coup.

The Island

1. May 27, 1960 – Ankara – The public was in a state of euphoria. 

2. Celal Bayar refused to resign. 

3. Hikmet Karaman recorded the list of professors. 

4. Seven professors gathered by military aircraft were tasked with drafting the new constitution. 

5. At Sıtkı Sami Onarlı’s suggestion, a new coup committee was formed. 

6. The National Unity Committee was established, following the professors’ advice. 

7. The legislative and executive powers were handed over to the National Unity Committee. 

8. Cemal Gürsel became the head of the committee. 

9. The professors were reluctant to form a government, while the soldiers vowed not to take state duties. 

10. Now there was the professors’ council, the National Unity Committee, and the cabinet, all led by Cemal Gürsel, who had only just met most of them. 

11. May 27, 1960 – Ankara – Ayten Street – An enthusiastic rally in front of İsmet Pasha’s house. 

12. İsmet Pasha was saddened by the coup. 

13. Although the CHP was neither inside nor outside the coup, organizations within the party showed pro-coup tendencies. 

14. May 28, 1960 – Ankara – Gürsel gained the moral support of İsmet Pasha and publicly announced that the coup had no connection with the CHP. 

15. Some of the detainees at the Military Academy were released, but the professors objected, insisting there had to be a trial. 

16. June 1960 – DP members were brought to Yassıada to be tried. 

17. Menderes and Bayar were placed in solitary cells, while the others were housed together. 

18. Listening devices were installed in the cells. 

19. Oaths and preparations for the new constitution were made in Ankara. 

20. The detainees were interrogated once the High Court was established. 

21. A film was made to portray life on the island positively to the public. The film was called The Fallen Ones of Yassıada. 

22. Bayar attempted to hang himself in the bathroom with his belt. After being saved, he said, “They made us act like Yeşilçam actors. Is this justice?” 

23. The Democrat Party was swiftly dissolved. 

Execution

1. October 14, 1960 – Yassıada – The first trial.
2. Sadık Başol was the chief judge.
3. Menderes did not resist the court. He spoke in a trembling and broken state.
4. October 15, 1960 – Yassıada – The “Dog Case.”
5. Bayar was sentenced to 4 years and 2 months in prison for the dog case.
6. Accusations surfaced that Menderes had his illegitimate child killed after birth (the “Baby Case”).
7. November 13, 1960 –
8. Türkeş’s side proposed that the military should remain in power and form a political party.
9. Professors and soldiers started being dismissed.
10. Factionalism, purges, and humiliating trials worsened the situation.
11. İnönü opposed any events that could delay the elections.
12. Türkeş and his group (the “14”) were exiled abroad.
13. November 1960 – Yassıada – Families were allowed to visit.
14. January 6, 1961 – The constituent assembly and the new parliament building were established.
15. Seven new political parties were founded in February.
16. May 27, 1961 – The new constitution was accepted (the most progressive and liberal constitution).
17. Summer of 1961 – Yassıada.
18. The September 6-7 incidents and issues like the slush fund were discussed in court.
19. Menderes appeared humble, while Bayar maintained a more arrogant stance in the trials.
20. The political target was Menderes.
21. When Menderes’ lawyer tried to read a letter in court, in which Cemal Gürsel had expressed his desire to make Menderes president before the coup, Menderes interrupted without permission and asked his lawyer to withdraw the request. The lawyer was then arrested.
22. June 6, 1961 – Gürsel said, “In a country where the military floods into politics, problems are inevitable,” and they received a memorandum.
23. The military hierarchy was disrupted.
24. August 1961 – Yassıada – The island and Ankara were slipping out of Cemal Gürsel’s control.
25. Graves started being dug.
26. September 1961 – Suphi Karaman and his colleague met with İnönü, who was strongly against the death sentences.
27. İnönü told Cemal Gürsel, “If there are executions, it will create a rift between the people and the army, and this will affect the National Unity Committee.”
28. September 15, 1961 – 4:00 AM – Menderes attempted suicide by taking sleeping pills but was saved at the last moment.
29. Life sentences and death penalties were announced. 15 people, including Bayar and Menderes, were sentenced to death.
30. Fourteen people, except for Menderes, were taken to İmralı (including Bayar).
31. September 15, 1961 – Washington – George McGhee reported the situation.
32. September 15, 1961 – 6:00 PM – Ankara – The final decision was to be made by the National Unity Committee.
33. Kennedy gave a recommendation, in a positive tone, for the executions not to take place.
34. The committee voted in favor of the executions by a margin of 4 votes.
35. The four individuals whose executions were confirmed were Bayar, Menderes, Zorlu, and Polatkan. Bayar’s sentence was commuted to life imprisonment due to his age.
36. The decision was announced from the Yassıada liaison office and reported to the press.
37. 7:00 PM, September 15, 1961 – İmralı.
38. The execution of Fatin Rüştü Zorlu.
39. The execution of Hasan Polatkan.
40. September 16, 1961 – Newspapers in Ankara: no one knew about the executions.
41. Gürsel and İnönü met after Menderes’ mother visited. However, neither wanted to stop Menderes’ execution.
42. Many countries sent messages calling for a halt to the executions.
43. 9:00 AM, September 17, 1961 – Yassıada – Menderes had somewhat recovered.
44. Adnan Menderes had a conversation with Ethem Menderes.
45. Gürsel’s last effort to save Menderes was in vain.
46. Adnan Menderes was executed.

12 March Documentary – 32nd Day
1960 – 1973

• Struggles

1. The execution of Menderes.
2. After Menderes’ execution, there were no protests or demonstrations; everything was quiet.
3. The CHP, the heirs of the DP, and the military remained.
4. The AP (Justice Party) became the heir of the DP.
5. Gümüşpala adopted a strategy close to the military (he was the founder of the AP).
6. The barracks were uneasy – Cevdet Sunay, Talat Aydemir.
7. AP came to power – 1961.
8. The October 21 protocol – discussions about military intervention.
9. News of the intervention reached İsmet Pasha, who was against the coup.
10. İnönü calmed both the military and parliament on October 23.
11. The military did not want the rebirth of Demirkırat (Democratic Party).
12. Military and civilian leaders met at Çankaya Palace.
13. İsmet Pasha was dominated, but at the most critical moment, he roared and stopped the disaster.
14. Parliament was opened in line with the military’s wishes.
15. AP’s presidential candidate Ali Fuat Başgil abruptly left the country that day.

• Colonel

1. The National Unity Committee was dissolved, leaving only the parliament and senate.
2. İsmet Pasha opened the parliament.
3. AP did not want to vote for Cemal Gürsel, asking for blank ballots instead.
4. Tensions between the military and the AP.
5. The 1961 Constitution.
6. December 31, 1961 – Worker strikes occurred.
7. Ecevit became the Minister of Labor.
8. CHP-AP coalition government.
9. January 1962 – Informal records in Kayseri prison (Bayar and others).
10. Bayar supported the AP from prison.
11. Amnesties were unwanted; AP requested amnesty for Bayar and others.
12. Nuri Beşer made remarks against the military.
13. İsmet Pasha broadcasted a radio program.
14. İnönü did not want a second coup, saying the military should return to the barracks.
15. Sunay and the generals, Talat Aydemir, and the colonels.
16. Aydemir and the colonels were fervent.
17. İsmet Pasha visited the Military Academy.
18. When one of the cadets saw İsmet Pasha, he fainted. İnönü suppressed the situation at the Military Academy.
19. Chief of General Staff Sunay was against the coup.
20. The February 9 protocol.
21. On February 21, Aydemir took action without the support of the air force.

• Rebellion

1. February 22 – İsmet Pasha requested the rebels be reassigned to the east.
2. Interventions against Talat Aydemir; his comrades were arrested.
3. A tank battalion reached the parliament.
4. Many battalions and schools fell under Aydemir’s command.
5. Aydemir did not want to kill those at the palace.
6. With İnönü’s efforts, Aydemir withdrew. İnönü successfully suppressed the rebellion.

• Raid

1. 1962 – Amnesty bill – Minor offenders were released.
2. The military was deeply involved in politics, and young people were protesting against the AP.
3. The cadets were not deceived; Talat Aydemir tried again.
4. The media praised Aydemir.
5. The “Vigorous Forces.”
6. Bayar’s release and public movements.
7. Raid on the AP headquarters – Demirel was inside the building – “No amnesty” slogans.
8. Demirel resigned – the story of “he took his hat and left.”
9. Bayar was sent back to Kayseri.
10. May 20, 1963 – Aydemir’s coup attempt was reported to Türkeş, and İnönü received intelligence from the Americans.
11. The coup declaration and tanks, soldiers in the streets at night.
12. A counter-announcement was made from the radio station:
    “Whoever controls the radio controls the government.”
    “Aydemir was not ruthless. If you lay your head, you must know how to take heads.”
13. Cevdet Sunay made a statement.
14. The air force intervened, the rebellion was crushed – 8 dead, 21 wounded, and Aydemir was captured, ending the events of May 21.
15. Aydemir and his comrade Fethi Gürcan were executed.

Iron Hand

1. November 22, 1963 – Kennedy assassination.
2. November 27, 1963 – İnönü visited the grave in Washington. At the same time, the coalition with CHP began to dissolve.
3. Mesut Sunay attempted an assassination on İnönü – February 22, 1964.
4. Massacres of Turkish Cypriots (children, etc., were killed).
5. İnönü’s interview with Time.
6. İnönü informed the U.S. ambassador that he would conduct a military operation.
7. A harsh letter arrived from Washington – June 5, 1964 – Johnson’s letter.
8. With the publication of Johnson’s letter to the public, protests erupted.
9. AP Chairman Ragıp Gümüşpala passed away.
10. At the time, Demirel was a contractor/engineer.
11. Demirel and Saadettin Bilgiç became AP candidates.
12. Bilgiç struggled to read the statement (on the radio), causing him to lose favor.
13. Cevdet Sunay said, “If Bilgiç becomes the leader, we will not let AP come to power.”
14. Bayar supported Demirel.
15. Demirel became AP chairman.
16. Gürsel gathered the leaders at Çankaya Palace.
17. İnönü scolded Demirel (stating that government matters should be discussed in the parliament, not at Çankaya).
18. İnönü resigned after the budget vote.
19. The Devr-i Süleyman (Era of Süleyman) began.

Right vs. Left

1. Demirel became the advisor to Ürgüplü.
2. “May they be in good health” – referring to the military.
3. Demirel received a letter saying, “We hanged Menderes, and we’ll hang you too.”
4. Alparslan Türkeş became the leader of the Republican Peasant Nation Party (CKMP).
5. CHP fell, and the Turkish Workers’ Party (TIP) rose, a socialist party led by Mehmet Ali Aybar.
6. İsmet Pasha introduced the term “left of center.”
7. AP’s counter-slogan: “Left of center is the road to Moscow.”
8. CHP tried to prove that being left-wing wasn’t a bad thing.
9. October 11, 1965 – AP came to power.
10. TIP had a small but strong opposition presence.
11. AP held power.
12. February 1966 – Gürsel fell into a coma.
13. Gürsel was made president by 38 signatures and removed by 38 signatures (after receiving a vegetative state report).
14. Demirel nominated Cevdet Sunay for president; Sunay resigned from the military to take the position.
15. Türkeş also ran for president.
16. Sunay became president.
17. 1966 – Protests by religious groups and sects, including attacks on Atatürk statues.
18. 1966 – Protests against girls wearing shorts.
19. The military opposed the pardoning of DP members and Aydemir, and Demirel was caught in the middle.
20. Demirel found a solution for the amnesty – the 1965 pardon.
21. Ecevit – led the “left of center” movement – İnönü’s successor.
22. Ecevit became the CHP General Secretary.

Rebellion

1. The second development plan – the economy grew.
   The liberal model – inflation was at 5%.
   • May 1968 – The year of rebellion – the Soviets entered Prague.
   • February 1968 – Organization began, but no weapons were involved yet, just right and left groups.
   • The 1968 lynching incident – TIP members were beaten in parliament.
   • Awakening movements – the left.
   • National Turkish Student Union – declared jihad.
   • The era of boycotts.
   • Deniz Gezmiş led the occupation of the rector’s office.
   • Deniz Gezmiş was recognized as a true leader.
   • The occupation committee negotiated with the governor, thanks to Deniz Gezmiş’s father.
   • 1968 – Leftist protests against the arrival of the U.S. 6th Fleet, and anti-American protests erupted when the fleet anchored.
   • Vedat Demircioğlu (a police officer) died accidentally.
   • When the 6th Fleet came ashore, protesters drove them into the sea.
   • News spread that the CKMP would provide training and support to young right-wing commandos (summer camps).
   • When the U.S. ambassador arrived, ODTÜ (Middle East Technical University) students set his car on fire.
   • ODTÜ was closed in 1969.
   • The Turkish left went to training camps in Palestine.
   • Clashes between right-wingers and left-wingers in Taksim, calls for jihad, and attacks on leftists by right-wing groups on Bloody Sunday.
   • It was seen as a second 31 March Incident. İnönü had to be escorted out of a funeral with his guards.
   • Among the protesters marching to Anıtkabir in 1969 were Uğur Mumcu and Abdullah Öcalan. For Öcalan, this marked a turning point, as he began to engage with leftist ideas during this period.
   • May 14, 1969 – The İnönü-Bayar summit.
   • İnönü said, “I will pull a man out of a well.”
   • May 15, 1969 – The military told Parliament Speaker Bozbeyli that they opposed the amnesty law.
   • İnönü left the prime minister alone with the military. The military held a grudge against İnönü.
   • The Senate’s proposal was rejected by AP members, due to military pressure.

The Junta

1. October 1969 – AP won again.
2. Internal party opposition and criticism from the press targeted Demirel.
3. During the budget vote, 41 votes were cast against Demirel.
4. These 41 individuals were expelled from AP. In February 1970, Demirel formed a new government with Sunay’s encouragement. The expelled members formed the Democratic Party.
5. June 15, 1970 – The largest workers’ demonstration took place.
6. Tanks were on the streets – martial law was declared.
7. The U.S. requested a ban on opium production, but Demirel opposed it.
8. Fall of 1970 – Price hikes and devaluation occurred.
9. The Washington Post stated, “The military is restless, Demirel’s days are numbered.”
10. General Faruk Gürler became the commander of the ground forces.
11. Muhsin Batur, an air force officer, emerged as the new leader of the coup faction.
12. Why didn’t Demirel retire them? Why did he roll out the red carpet for them?
13. Doğan Avcıoğlu’s book The Order of Turkey and Devrim newspaper became favorites of the coup plotters.
14. Mahir Kaynak, who infiltrated the Madanoğlu junta and reported it to MIT (Turkish Intelligence), ended the junta.
15. November 21, 1970 – Muhsin Batur sent a letter to Sunay.
16. General staff meeting – Demirel must go.
17. November 28, 1970 – The Cultural Palace fire.
18. February 1970 – Cevdet Sunay issued a statement.
19. March 1, 1971 – Yankı magazine asked, “Whose side is the army on?”
20. The army was preparing a new state design – the Gürler-Batur junta.
21. February 1, 1971 – The air force officers sent a letter to Batur from the general secretariat.
22. Faruk Gürler rejected the coup plan, stating he didn’t want to become the head of state.
23. During the opening of the Bursa Tofaş factory, a strange incident with a calf occurred.
24. At a dinner at the Çelik Palas Hotel, Sunay and the commanders suddenly stood up and left. Demirel had the intelligence service monitor them.
25. Sunay held a coup meeting with commanders in Eskişehir.

The Memorandum

1. March 4, 1971 – American officers were kidnapped by the Turkish People’s Liberation Army.
2. ODTÜ (Middle East Technical University) was searched thoroughly.
3. The American aviators were released.
4. Gürler and Batur were seen as dual leaders.
5. March 7, 1971 – Fakih Özfakih’s warning to the army.
6. A tape critical of General Faruk Gürler circulated within the army.
7. March 9, 1971 – A coup summit was held at the air force headquarters.
8. The coup plans were ready – they were waiting for Gürler’s approval.
9. Gürler backed out, and the meeting was dissolved.
10. Devkur plan – 8:15 PM.
11. March 10, 1971 – Cüneyt Arcayürek reported, “A memorandum will be given to the prime minister.”
12. General staff meeting.
13. March 11, 1971 – The army wanted to act within the chain of command.
14. Batur’s opinion – a “half-coup.”
15. Fırat Doğu informed President Sunay of the coup plan but did not tell Demirel.
16. “Sunay wants Demirel to resign,” said Fırat Doğu to Demirel on March 12, 1971.
17. Four generals prepared the memorandum, and the chief of general staff reluctantly signed it.
18. Demirel could not directly contact NATO.
19. 1:00 PM – The memorandum was read on TRT.
20. Demirel gathered the cabinet.
21. The Democratic Party did not want the memorandum read, but it was in vain.
22. Demirel’s government resigned.

Retaliation

1. Headlines read: “The army has issued an ultimatum.”
2. The hammer fell on Demirel.
3. İnönü’s defiance in parliament: “I challenge the generals.”
4. The generals convinced İnönü, saying, “If we hadn’t issued the memorandum, some coup plotters would have staged a coup on March 9.”
5. Purges followed.
6. March 16, 1971 – Deniz Gezmiş was captured in Sivas, Şarkışla.
7. Gezmiş wanted to establish a new state. He was wanted for bank robbery and kidnapping Americans.
8. Gezmiş was taken to Ankara.
9. The junta dissolved, and the chief of general staff appointed Nihat Erim as prime minister.
10. Demirel supported Erim, but challenges awaited him.
11. When İnönü supported Erim, Ecevit resigned as CHP’s general secretary.
12. Erim’s cabinet included the first female minister.
13. Erim’s reforms.
14. The general staff raised the status of the chief’s official car in the protocol.
15. The Erim government imposed a ban on opium production.
16. Bombings, kidnappings, and violent actions escalated.
    Erim: “The measures will come down on their heads like a hammer.”
17. April 1971 – Martial law was declared.
18. Dev-Genç (Revolutionary Youth) and Ülkü Ocakları (Idealist Clubs) were shut down, and İlhan Selçuk and Çetin Altan were imprisoned.
19. 40 articles of the 1961 constitution were pruned.
20. The Israeli consul general was kidnapped: “If all revolutionaries are not released, the ambassador will be killed.” – THKPC (Turkish People’s Liberation Party-Front).
21. The Balyoz (Sledgehammer) operation began.
22. Famous figures like Doğan Avcıoğlu and Fazıl Hüsnü Dağlarca were arrested – about 500 people in total.
23. The Israeli consul general, Elrom, was found murdered.
24. THKPC members like Hüseyin Cevahir were killed, and Mahir Çayan was captured.
    THKPC members held a 14-year-old girl named Sibel hostage in an apartment.
    • Sinan Cemgil was killed.
    • June 1971 – The constitutional court was filled with defendants.
    • Mümtaz Soysal married his wife while in prison.
    • After the wedding, Sevgi Soysal was sent into exile.
    • July 16, 1971 – The trial of Deniz Gezmiş and Yusuf Aslan.
    • Deniz Gezmiş and his comrades had not killed anyone, but the sentence demanded execution for “attempting to overthrow the constitutional order by force.” The military invoked Article 146, demanding the death penalty.
    • September 27, 1971 – Demirel challenged the general staff.
    • 11 ministers resigned.
    • January 24, 1972 – İnönü said he was against the death sentences, but Demirel disagreed.
    • Mahir Çayan escaped – some THKPC members were killed in Maltepe prison.
    • Çayan kidnapped two British and one Canadian technician, threatening to kill them if Deniz was executed.
    • The house where Çayan, Kürkçü, and others were hiding was surrounded, along with the hostages.
    • The core of the THKPC, led by Mahir Çayan, was killed, but before dying, they also killed the three technicians.
    • April 6, 1972 – Four hijackers diverted a Turkish Airlines plane to Sofia, threatening to blow up the plane if 13 prisoners were not released within 24 hours. Ömer İnönü (İsmet Pasha’s son) was on board.
    • May 6, 1972 – Deniz Gezmiş’s execution, his letter to his father, his final speech before his death, and the executions of Yusuf Aslan and Hüseyin Inan.
    • On the day Gezmiş was hanged, İnönü suffered a heart attack but still defied internal opposition the next day. He resigned from the party leadership on November 4 and from parliament on November 14.
    • İnönü passed away on December 25, 1973.

12 September Documentary – 32nd Day
1972 – 1983

1. Execution of Deniz Gezmiş.
2. 1972 – İsmet İnönü stepped down, and Ecevit became the leader of CHP.
3. Power struggle and disagreement among military leaders in 1972.
4. Conflicts between the military, Demirel, and Ecevit.
5. 1973 – Presidential election.
6. 1974 – Coalition era.
7. July 15, 1974 – Cyprus coup.
8. July 20, 1974 – Cyprus invasion.
9. Geneva Conference.
10. After the failure of the conference, the second Cyprus operation.
11. Threats from the U.S.
12. The era of shortages (LPG, gasoline).
13. The Nationalist Front – opposing Ecevit’s leftist policies.
14. Yaşar Okuyan should be investigated (he turned left).
15. Camps and organizations formed by nationalists to stop the left.
16. Counter-guerrilla organizations and false death reports (streets belonged to nationalists).
17. 1974 – Murder of Şahin Aydın – first political assassination after March 12.
18. Dev-Genç (Revolutionary Youth).
19. 1974 – ODTÜ (Middle East Technical University) clashes.
20. 1975 – Abdullah Öcalan founded an organization with others from Ankara’s Political Science Faculty.
21. Armenian terrorist group ASALA.
22. 1975 – Inflation skyrocketed.
23. Revolutionary Workers’ Unions (DISK), May 1, 1976 (transformed into Labor Day).
24. Şener Şen at the DISK rally.
25. DISK and CHP blocked the establishment of State Security Courts.
26. May 1, 1977 – Taksim massacre – Bloody May Day.
27. 1977 – Threats and attacks against CHP and Ecevit.
28. Streets began to be controlled (systematically).
29. Ümraniye – May Day neighborhood – construction of squatter houses.
30. Ecevit formed a government with 13 AP members (MPs) at an Istanbul hotel.
31. Bomb that killed Hamido (from PTT Erekte).
32. March 16 massacre – Zülküf Isot (Abdullah Çatlı comes into the spotlight).
33. Bahçelievler murders.
34. Balgat massacre.
35. The nationalist organizations were under Türkeş’s control.
36. Leftists aligned with the Soviets, China, and Albania were divided among themselves.
37. The military began speaking out, and Öcalan’s organization emerged in the southeast.
38. Maraş massacre.
39. Leftists emerged in Maraş.
40. The film When Will the Sun Rise – a nationalist film.
41. Ökkeş Şendiller – the cinema incident.
42. Attack on a funeral procession.
43. Religious sermons claimed, “Alevis are burning down mosques.”
44. Maraş massacre – lasted three days – the state did not intervene – December 1978.
45. December 26 – 120 dead – mostly Alevi.
46. “This incident was created to justify martial law,” said Ecevit.
47. 1979 – A year of blackouts, terrorism, oil shortages, and restricted freedoms.
48. 1979 – Assassination of Milliyet chief columnist and Ecevit’s close ally, Abdi İpekçi.
49. The assassin was Mehmet Ali Ağca.
50. Ağca escaped from prison.
51. Ağca’s assassination attempt on the Pope and his letter to Milliyet.
52. Ağca shot the Pope.
53. The murder of the police chief of Adana, writers, and academics.
54. Fears of famine and Ecevit’s political instability.
55. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan & the Islamic Revolution in Iran.
56. The Guadeloupe summit, where aid for Turkey was decided, with the condition of entering IMF supervision.
57. $150 million of credit was secured by pledging agricultural products (to an American bank).
58. Şerafettin Elçi raised the Kurdish issue.
59. Assassination attempt on Celal Bucak – Apocular (early PKK).
60. DISK distanced itself from Ecevit.
61. How did Öcalan rise so quickly?
62. May 1, 1979 – 200 members of the Workers’ Party defied the curfew.
63. TÜSİAD blamed Ecevit for the economic crisis.
    1. Advocating for a free market economy.
64. Demirel came to power, supporting martial law.
65. 1980 – The military commanders’ warning memorandum.
66. January 24, 1980 directive – Demirel.
    1. Price hikes, liberalism, free economy.
67. 1980 – Tariş protests – layoffs – İzmir.
68. Political infighting – inability to elect a president.
69. May 27, 1980 – Gün Sazak assassination.
70. Çorum massacres – calls for jihad – rumors of poisoned water by Alevis – near civil war.
71. Nationalist Seyit Esenyel later told Mehmet Ali Birand, “We were used.”
72. 1979 – Terzi Fikri became mayor of Fatsa – distributed stockpiled goods to the people.
73. Operation against Fatsa ordered by Kenan Evren, though there were warnings not to fly over the town because “they’ll shoot at you,” but no resistance was encountered during the operation.
74. Assassinations of Nihat Erim and Kemal Türkler.
75. August 26, 1980 – Meeting of the military commanders.
76. September 6, 1980 – MSP rally (National Salvation Party) turned into a call for Sharia, drawing backlash.
77. The public began seeing a coup as the only solution.
78. September 12, 4:00 AM – Operation code-named “Bayrak Harekatı” (Flag Operation).
79. Demirel apparently knew about it, as he warned his team.
80. September 11, 1980 – TRT (state TV) was informed, Türkeş went into hiding.
81. In the U.S., people said, “The kids in Ankara did it.”
82. Demirel, Erbakan, and Ecevit were detained gently, but their secretaries, who delivered the news, were handled harshly.
83. Türkeş surrendered.
84. The coup declaration.
85. The leaders were not executed because they would be turned into heroes – instead, they were exiled.
86. Some ministers were happy about the coup, as were parts of the public.
87. Özal became deputy prime minister, supported by Demirel.
88. Unsolved murders were quickly solved, and organizations collapsed overnight.
89. DISK surrendered.
90. MGK (National Security Council) issued its 52nd declaration.
91. Ecevit resigned from the CHP leadership and started a dissenting magazine.
92. 1981 – Political parties were dissolved.
93. Press restrictions – writing about people like Ecevit was banned.
94. Due to these restrictions, tabloid and erotic publications increased.
95. Books on science and socialism were banned and confiscated.
96. YÖK (Council of Higher Education) was established to end university anarchy.
97. Religious education was added to the curriculum.
98. Evren used religion during his rallies.
99. The number of Imam Hatip schools and Quran courses increased.
100. Public holidays were reduced, and the Turkish Language Association (TDK) and Turkish Historical Society (TTK) were shut down. Turkish İş grew in power, but later TDK and TTK were reopened.
101. Atatürkism was used to suppress both the left and right.
102. Interrogations, dismissals, and requests for asylum and emigration to Europe increased.
103. Opposition to Ruhi Su – denied a passport and couldn’t receive treatment abroad, leading to his death.
104. The Armenian group ASALA issue and collaborations with nationalists.
105. Torture allegations (including Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu).
106. Türkeş and Erbakan were tried (for fascism and anti-secularism) – disappointment began among the nationalists.
107. Famous figures like Rutkay Aziz, Tarık Akan, and Aziz Nesin were also tried.
108. Stir up chaos and then reconcile operations – Erdal Eren’s execution.
109. Beating of writer İlhan Selçuk.
110. The 1982 constitution strengthened martial law.
111. Kenan Evren became president.
112. 1981 – The banker crisis, Özal’s rise.
113. 1982 – Özal founded the Motherland Party, while former MSP members founded the Welfare Party, and Necdet Calp founded the People’s Party.
114. CHP members pressured Erdal İnönü to form a party (SODEP).
115. 1983 – BYP was closed, and Demirel founded the True Path Party.
116. Many parties were vetoed.
117. October 22, 1983 – TV debate – calm, civil, and American-like Özal, tense Sunalp, and aggressive Necdet Calp.
118. Evren accused Özal of claiming, “I built the dams.”
119. ANAP won the election and came to power alone.
120. Speculation about canceling the election.
121. The embrace between Özal and Evren.
122. 1989 – Evren’s term as president ended.
123. 1987 – Demirel returned to politics through a referendum, first becoming prime minister and later president.
124. 1987 – Ecevit returned to politics through a referendum, but he did not rejoin the CHP and formed his own party, later becoming part of the government coalition.
125. 1987 – Erbakan returned to politics and led the Welfare Party, which became the leading party in 1995. It was closed in 1998, and Erbakan was banned from politics again.
126. After 1980, the nationalist movement was divided, but Türkeş’s leadership lasted until his death in 1995.
127. The other four generals involved in the September 12 coup retired in 1989. They never spoke again.

The Özal Years Documentary – 32nd Day
1981 – 1993

Episode 1 – Economic Decisions that Shook Turkey on January 24
Between 1975 and 1980, Turkey experienced extremely difficult times: economic struggles, fierce battles between the left and right, and rampant inflation. Terrorism was rife, and governments changed frequently, preventing stability. By 1980, the Turkish Central Bank (TCMB) was rejecting checks. Turgut Özal was serving as the Prime Ministry Undersecretary.
Under Özal’s leadership, economic reforms were underway. At the same time, in another part of Ankara, the military was drafting a warning letter to the presidency.
The military was convinced of the decisions, and the process moved to the cabinet.
The devaluation of the Turkish lira was necessary.
Following the devaluation, Özal sent a message to the IMF headquarters saying, “The operation is complete, we are ready for foreign exchange,” (an interesting note).
At the time, Özal was referred to as “takunyalı” (a term used to describe someone religious and conservative), and it’s unclear how he made this decision.
Emin Çölaşan: “In a way, they forced us to make these decisions.”
After the OECD meeting, the economy started to show signs of improvement.
September 12, 4:00 AM – The coup took place.
After the coup, Özal became the Minister of Economy, with Prime Minister Feyzioğlu, followed by Prime Minister Bülent Ulusu. Kaya Erdem was appointed as the Minister of Finance.
November 7, 1981 – The Second İzmir Economic Congress.
The military was dependent on Turgut Özal.
The Banker Kastelli scandal erupted.
The political fallout from the Kastelli crisis was placed on Finance Minister Kaya Erdem.
After Erdem was removed from his position, Özal’s liberal policies were slowed down. The military couldn’t give up state intervention in the market. Özal resigned on July 14, 1982.

Episode 2 – Foundation, New Faces in Politics
In 1982, Özal went to Side.
He received advice to form a political party.
While the decision to form the party was made in Side, the military regime blamed Özal for some events.
Özal’s health was an issue—he was overweight, and he went to the U.S. to exercise and prepare himself physically for politics. He also took political science lessons in the U.S. (an important note).
Özal got permission from Kenan Evren (the council).
Many people were reluctant to join Özal’s party, thinking it would be shut down.
Founders included Rüştü Saraçoğlu, Mesut Yılmaz, Adnan Kahveci, and Erol Aksoy.
Demirel did not support Özal.
The September 12 coup leaders backed Bülent Ulusu as their prime ministerial candidate.
Adnan Kahveci advised Turgut Bey to divorce Semra Özal, thinking she was slowing him down.
The party name was kept secret during its establishment.
The bee mascot conflicted with the Büyük Türkiye Partisi (Great Turkey Party). However, ANAP submitted their application before Büyük Türkiye at 8:30 AM, so the bee mascot became ANAP’s.
By the end of 1982, the political landscape had taken shape. On the left were two formations: Necdet Calp’s Halkçı Parti (Populist Party), which had military backing, and Erdal İnönü’s Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP). On the right, Necmettin Erbakan’s MSP (National Salvation Party) reappeared as the Welfare Party, Türkeş’s MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) resurfaced as the Conservative Party, and Demirel’s former Justice Party took on the name Büyük Türkiye Partisi. The military-backed Milliyetçi Demokrasi Partisi (MDP) was led by Turgut Sunalp, and Özal’s ANAP (Motherland Party) was also in the mix.
Many vetoes were issued, with only MDP and ANAP surviving.
Demirel and his team were sent to compulsory residence at Zincirbozan.
June 1, 1983 – Kenan Evren gave a speech in Çorum, where he expressed anger toward Demirel.
Some left-wing figures were also sent into exile, including Deniz Baykal.
October 22, 1983 – The televised open debate featured discussions with Özal: “Will I sell it, will I not?”
Özal was skilled at using television and rallies to his advantage.
November 4, 1983 – Kenan Evren gave a speech supporting the MDP.
November 6, 1983 – Turkey went to the polls.

Episode 3 – A New Era
ANAP won the election.
After the victory, ANAP instructed that no celebrations take place, fearing that the council might shut the party down.
No one said anything to Özal. He personally called Evren to request an appointment.
During the meeting, an interesting moment occurred. In a manner that defied all state protocol, Özal pulled Evren close and kissed him.
November 15, 1983 – The declaration of independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), a move initiated by Rauf Denktaş.
Meanwhile, the council was making several adjustments within the military.
December 7, 1983 – The opening of the legislative year.
On December 13, 1983, ANAP’s cabinet was approved.
At the first cabinet meeting, many people didn’t know each other, some had no relation to their appointed ministry roles, and some weren’t even aware they had become ministers.
Most of the ministers had no political experience.
Özal’s government received a vote of confidence on December 24, 1983.
Before Özal’s term, the economy was in terrible shape. It was strange to hear Sakıp Sabancı say, “May God bless Özal.”
June 4, 1992 – The Third Economic Congress in İzmir.

Episode 4 – Breaking Taboos
Özal’s first act was to break the legal chains that had paralyzed Turkey through his television program From the Heart of Action.
June 20, 1984 – Announced at a press conference.
Unnecessary councils and commissions were abolished.
The law protecting the Turkish lira was revised, and foreign exchange was gradually liberalized.
Foreign currency became a part of daily life, with steps taken toward a free market.
Imports and exports were liberalized, and price controls were removed.
People thought Turkey would go bankrupt.
Taboos weren’t easily broken—everyone still relied on the state. There was a saying: “Turks can’t be merchants.” The state was trying to help Turks sell products abroad.
Turgut Özal took businesspeople on tours to different countries to encourage exports. None of these trips were funded by the state.
However, it wasn’t enough just to export—products needed to be made. Electricity reached every corner, roads were built, and phone lines were installed. ANAP’s propaganda films highlighted these achievements.
Özal was moving extremely quickly, with automated telephone systems as part of the revolution.
He created public partnership and housing funds, which were spent on dams and infrastructure.
Previously, foreign cigarettes were sold on the black market.
On December 15, 1984, Özal shut down the black market. He managed to get things done quickly with just a phone call.
He introduced the driver’s license revolution, credit cards, and more.
People started demanding receipts while shopping—VAT had been introduced. Instead of carrying cash, people started using credit cards. Chiquita bananas appeared in fruit shops, and color televisions arrived. Wealth declarations were abolished.
The era of ideological fighters was replaced by pragmatic problem-solvers. Wild capitalism had arrived. Under the name of a liberal economy, moral values were destroyed, said Emin Çölaşan.
Many cases of bribery and corruption emerged.
Özal was criticized for moving too fast.
As a result of these criticisms, the word “dynasty” began appearing in headlines.

Episode 5 – The “Takunyalı” Dynasty
Between 1984 and 1987, all economic taboos were broken.
In terms of protocol, the prime minister ranked 7th (after the members of the council).
Özal’s request to change the protocol was rejected by Evren.
There were criticisms that Özal was too religious.
At the State Planning Organization, people who prayed and performed ablutions were called takunyalı (a derogatory term for those seen as religious conservatives).
Özal’s connection to religious orders wasn’t new. He had previously been an MSP (National Salvation Party) candidate and had received advice from a religious leader. Semra Özal strongly opposed this idea.
Semra Özal prevented Turgut Bey from leaning too much towards religiosity.
Semra Özal was a modern woman, traveling and singing in nightclubs.
In 1986, Semra Özal founded the Turkish Women’s Promotion and Empowerment Foundation, and her Papatyalı (Daisy-themed) foundation’s ball turned out to be quite expensive, despite Turgut Bey asking the middle class to tighten their belts.
The Özal family was said to have made a lot of money, with the Jaguar car incident being a notable example.
March 27, 1989 – Press conference.
Many political parties underwent changes (such as the merger of the Halkçı Parti and SODEP).
The PKK began to emerge in the southeast (initial armed actions).
At first, this guerrilla warfare wasn’t taken seriously. The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) were not well-equipped, and the defense industry initiative began on December 14, 1984.
The defense industry was modernized.
In 1985, State Minister İsmail Özdağlar was brought before the Supreme Court for bribery, a case brought up by Adnan Kahveci. Bribery scandals were rampant.
Naim Süleymanoğlu was brought to Turkey.
December 13, 1986 – Press conference, with Naim Süleymanoğlu attending.

Episode 6 – The End of September 12
In February 1987, Özal made a trip to the U.S. for reasons that were unclear. During this period, Özal frequently experienced heart problems.
Özal underwent surgery.
On March 21, 1987, Özal held a press conference and a cabinet meeting via satellite and teleconference.
Tensions arose when Greece attempted to drill for oil in the Aegean, and Turkey intervened to stop it.
A statement was issued by the General Staff Secretariat. A brigadier general took matters into his own hands, implying that “we are lions and tigers,” which angered Özal.
At that time, Özal was in London. He called the BBC reporters and ended the crisis with a single sentence: “If they leave their territorial waters, we will leave ours, but we are waiting for them to make the first move.” In summary: if they touch us, we’ll touch them back. March 28, 1987.
Afterward, Özal called the Prime Minister of Greece.
Özal returned to Turkey.
In the 1960s, Özal had been against joining the European Union, but after returning from the U.S., his stance changed.
April 13, 1987 – Turkey applied for membership in the European Common Market.
By the late 1980s, the Cold War era was coming to an end, with Gorbachev launching his perestroika policy.
Around this time, Articles 141 and 142 of the Turkish Penal Code were abolished.
Behice Boran’s official state funeral was also blamed on ANAP.
Cem Karaca, who had been stripped of his citizenship for his songs that were deemed communist, was reinstated as a citizen. Some exiled Workers’ Party members also returned. The strict anti-communism policies from the military era were slowly relaxed.
During ANAP’s rule, banned publications and military rule persisted.
Özal wanted to civilianize the state.
A debate arose over a reception – June 29, 1987, press conference.
General Öztorun’s resignation.
The Generals’ Operation.

Episode 7 – The Assassination Attempt
As the 1987 elections approached, Demirel, Ecevit, Erbakan, and Türkeş were all working to have their political bans lifted.
August 16, 1987 – DYP Rally.
Özal saw Demirel as an older brother and wanted to see him as president.
Demirel, however, said, “I don’t need his favor,” referring to Özal.
ANAP was divided over the issue of lifting the political bans.
August 29, 1987 – Özal’s rally in Kayseri.
Özal later talked about this political ban situation on the 32nd Day program in February 1993.
August 17, 1987 – At the rally, Özal supported Güneş Taner, who was wearing a “no” t-shirt.
Before the referendum, ANAP decided to hold early elections.
After the referendum, they wanted to appeal to turn the vote results in favor of “no,” but Özal refused, fearing they would be labeled as frauds.
September 24, 1987 – DYP Extraordinary Congress, with Demirel speaking.
After this event, Demirel strengthened the opposition, and Özal’s circle became tense.
The Özal-Demirel clash was political. According to Ahmet Özal, Turgut Bey’s son, personally, they had good relations.
November 29, 1987 – Election results: ANAP 36%, SHP 24%, DYP 19%, DSP 8.5%, and the Welfare Party 7.2%.
Neither DSP nor the Welfare Party made it into parliament.
Özal started talking about a presidential system.
June 18, 1988 – ANAP’s 2nd Congress.
All attendees were admitted to the congress, which led Özal’s security team to complain about the party members’ behavior.
There was an assassination attempt on Özal.
Özal’s bodyguards fired randomly, resulting in several injuries.
Footage shows Semra Özal’s visible concern.
Mehmet Ağar’s role in the event is strange—he took the chief of security inside for tea, exhibiting suspicious behavior.

Episode 8 – An ANAP Member in the Presidential Palace
Mehmet Ağar claimed it was just an ordinary attacker, but Özal’s press advisor and security police believed it was an organized plot.
The mastermind behind the assassination attempt was never found.
The Princes Scandal arose.
Many individuals brought from the U.S. were appointed to ministries, leading to various bribery incidents.
In 1989, the economic indicators were good, but Turkey was consuming more than it produced. According to the government, the country was rising, but the opposition claimed the people were suffering.
In the 1989 local elections, ANAP’s votes dropped by half compared to the previous election.
That evening, TRT aired ANAP’s From the Heart of Action program.
March 1989 – ANAP Group meeting.
March 27, 1989 – Press conference.
Evren’s term as president was ending.
There were claims that Özal was fleeing to the presidency.
October 17, 1989 – Özal announced his candidacy for president.
October 1989 – Özal’s farewell speech.
October 31, 1989 – Özal became president.
He upgraded the palace’s communication systems, added computers, new wallpapers, and decor.

Episode 9 – The Gulf War
Prime Minister Yıldırım Akbulut, President Özal.
August 2, 1990 – Saddam’s invasion of Kuwait.
Özal cooperated with the U.S.
If Iraq occupied Kuwait, UN forces would intervene.
Turkey joined the U.S.-led coalition.
As the crisis deepened, people started withdrawing their foreign currency savings.
Özal wanted to take control of Mosul and Kirkuk by the end of the Gulf crisis.
The General Staff saw this as a risky adventure.
Özal couldn’t convince parliament either.
A secret directive ordered the military to mobilize.
When the Chief of General Staff refused to sign the directive, he resigned.
Despite all the warnings, Saddam Hussein didn’t withdraw from Kuwait.
The Gulf War, which lasted 45 days, began.
March 23, 1991 – Özal’s reception at the White House.
After the war, hundreds of thousands of Kurds from northern Iraq sought refuge in Turkey. 300,000 Kurds crossed the border, and Özal opened it for them.
Özal showed favoritism toward the Kurds, inviting Kurdish MPs and providing financial aid. The Halabja massacre deeply affected Özal.
Generous financial aid and privileges were given to the Kurds.
Summer 1991 – The second assassination attempt on Özal.
Özal repaired relations with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, always trying to bring them on board.
At the time, Mesut Yılmaz was the Foreign Minister, and after Özal’s actions, Yılmaz resigned.
April 28, 1991 – Semra Özal’s controversial announcement. The reason was her election as ANAP’s Istanbul provincial chair, sparking major debates.
In 1991, Özal called ANAP members to the Presidential Palace.
June 15, 1991 – ANAP Congress, Mesut Yılmaz became ANAP leader and Turkey’s new prime minister.

Episode 10 – Shocking Death
November 7, 1991 – Demirel’s party came to power, with Özal remaining president.
The DYP-SHP coalition was formed.
There was debate over who would represent the country at the Black Sea Economic Cooperation summit.
May 1, 1992 – Özal was diagnosed with cancer.
Özal recovered.
Mesut Yılmaz changed ANAP’s policies and cut ties with Özal.
The Presidential Palace had essentially become the headquarters for ANAP’s opposition.
Many MPs under Mesut Yılmaz’s leadership resigned on December 1, 1992.
Özal had lost hope in ANAP and wanted to form a new party.
In early 1993, Özal frequently talked about death and was preparing his will.
April 6, 1993 – The religious sect joke.
Özal’s health was deteriorating.
April 17, 1993 – Özal died suddenly of heart failure.

28 February Documentary – 32nd Day
1993 – 2002

Episode 1
After Özal’s death, political Islam, Hezbollah, and the PKK rose to prominence.
Since 1992, questions like “Is secularism in danger?” have been asked.
Founders of the Atatürkist Thought Association like Muammer Aksoy, Hürriyet newspaper’s Çetin Emeç, religious researcher Turan Dursun, former dean of the Theology Faculty Bahriye Üçok, and Cumhuriyet newspaper columnist Uğur Mumcu were all assassinated.
Jak Kamhi survived an assassination attempt.
Those defending the secular republic were being killed one by one.
“Dear people, don’t forget us!” The most shocking assassination was that of Uğur Mumcu.
None of the culprits were caught.
Two months before Özal’s death, General Eşref Bitlis’s plane crashed (the then-Chief of General Staff Doğan Güreş quickly closed the file, and Cemal Sever, one of the founders of JİTEM, was the first to arrive at the scene).
During all these events, Demirel was Prime Minister, and Erdal İnönü was Deputy Prime Minister.
April 17, 1993 – Özal’s death.
Özal had sent five MPs to Damascus to negotiate with Öcalan for a ceasefire.
Öcalan claimed that Özal was assassinated.
After Özal’s death, Süleyman Demirel became president, leaving the prime minister’s office vacant, leading to a power struggle within the DYP.
The leading candidate was Hüsamettin Cindoruk, but Demirel did not give him the green light.
Tansu Çiller became a candidate. She wasn’t well-known, but her gender was a key factor in her support.
The media backed Çiller.
There were two other candidates: Köksal Toptan and İsmet Sezgin, who was referred to as “the elder brother” by party members.
Three candidates entered the congress: Tansu Çiller, İsmet Sezgin, and Köksal Toptan.
June 13, 1993 – DYP Congress – the headlines read, “The Lady’s Footsteps.”
The other candidates withdrew and supported Çiller.
Çiller became the prime minister.
Çiller had only been in the party for three years.
Erdal İnönü wanted to withdraw from the coalition and politics. He left his seat to Murat Karayalçın, who continued the coalition.
There were the Sivas Pir Sultan Festivals, where Alevis, intellectuals, and writers gathered.
Aziz Nesin’s translation of The Satanic Verses had angered radical Islamists, and his visit to Sivas caused unrest in the city.
There were ugly headlines in the media.
At the time, Temel Karamollaoğlu was the mayor of Sivas.
Aziz Nesin was attacked by the media and the public, and his bodyguards rushed him to the Madımak Hotel.
Protests were held in the streets with slogans like “May the hands that betray Islam be broken,” targeting both Nesin and the Alevi community.
Rumors spread that religion was under threat.
During this time, Arif Sağ was scheduled to perform at a concert in the cultural center, but stones were thrown at the venue.
Book stalls were overturned, and attacks escalated.
Militants gathered in front of the Madımak Hotel, shouting “Down with secularism.”
Mayor Temel Karamollaoğlu reportedly said, “May your jihad be blessed, my Muslim brothers,” and declared that the statues would be removed and these visitors would be driven out.
People leaving Friday prayers joined the protest.
Aziz Nesin called Ankara, pleading for help.
Those inside the hotel were trapped.
The military arrived, but protesters shouted, “The godless don’t deserve protection from soldiers.”
The commander left the soldiers and withdrew.
Protesters referred to it as “hellfire” – what a disgrace.
People inside the hotel were burned alive.
You could hear cries for help from inside.
The provincial president of the Büyük Birlik Party helped some of the trapped people.
When the fire department arrived to rescue people from the building, they threw Aziz Nesin off the ladder.
Nesin was beaten and lynched.
A police officer came and saved Nesin, then left.
The state stood by, watching the event unfold—neglect and carelessness.
The governor of Sivas said, “The army, the police, and the military deceived me.”
It seemed to many that the military and police deliberately did not intervene.

Episode 2 

The Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) was never associated with corruption, but the 1994 İSKİ scandal was shocking. 

Erdun Gökner, head of İSKİ (Istanbul Water and Sewerage Administration), fell in love with someone 30 years younger than him and wanted to divorce his current wife, offering her $1 million in compensation. 

How could a municipal bureaucrat afford to give $1 million? 

Nurettin Sözen reported Gökner’s affair to the Ministry of Interior. The scandal involved corruption, love, and infidelity, but the media portrayed it as “SHP is deceiving the public.” The incident turned into a political crisis. 

Investigations into how Gökner acquired the $1 million were conducted multiple times. 

He was arrested for purchasing overpriced goods for İSKİ. 

Around the same time, it was reported that Çiller owned $7 million worth of real estate in the U.S. 

This scandal was also referenced in a “Jet Ski” sketch on *Olacak O Kadar*, a satirical TV show.

Episode 3

When Çiller took office, Turkey was grappling with the PKK. The first PKK attack in 1984 wasn’t taken seriously. 

1988 – Halabja Massacre. 

With the invasion of Kuwait and the Iran-Iraq operations, the PKK gained strength. 

The organization found opportunities to operate in northern Iraq. 

General Doğan Güreş, Chief of the General Staff at the time, mobilized the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) against the PKK, increasing armaments and strengthening the Gendarmerie. 

The Special Forces Command and the SAS (Special Forces) Command were established. 

Mehmet Ağar was appointed head of the General Directorate of Security, involving the police in the fight against terrorism. 

1993 – Bingöl Massacre by Şemdin Sakık, who later gave an interview stating, “If they want war, there will be war. If they want peace, there will be peace.” 

Çiller left the PKK fight entirely to the TSK. 

Barzani and Talabani’s Peshmerga forces were forced into the fight against the PKK. 

The TSK could no longer leave northern Iraq. 

The Kurdish population in the region found themselves caught between pressure and interrogations from both the state and the bandits. 

By the second half of 1993, the PKK’s political authority dominated the southeast, while the state sought to resolve the issue through both legal and illegal means. 

The village guard system was established. 

Kurdish intellectuals and businessmen were being killed. 

Anyone not siding with the state was labeled a PKK member. 

The “Bloody Provocation” incident. 

Journalists also faced pressure. Anti-state journalists were targeted, and even the creator of this documentary, Mehmet Ali Birand, was reportedly at the top of the “Revenge Commandos” hit list. MİT (National Intelligence Organization) kept him under close protection for months. The assassination order had been given to a man known as “Yeşil.” 

February 12, 1994 – Tuzla Military Student Massacre. 

Pressures began on the DEP (Democracy Party), a Kurdish-founded party. 

Leyla Zana’s “Kurdish oath” in parliament sparked debates in 1991. 

1994 – DEP deputies were imprisoned. 

As these political events unfolded, the Welfare Party (RP), which frightened the secular population, continued to grow in power. 

Hasan Mezarcı’s reckless statements against Atatürk and secularism filled tapes, which were widely distributed. 

Backlash grew in military barracks and on the streets. Mezarcı was expelled from the Welfare Party, tried, and imprisoned. 

At the time, there were allegations that the Welfare Party was receiving aid from Libya and Saudi Arabia. 

There were also claims that money collected for Bosnian Muslims was being used within the party. 

Süleyman Mercümek, known as the party’s treasurer, was accused of losing millions through interest and repossessions and embezzling money. 

After the Bosnia scandal, there were questions about why Erbakan had 148 kilograms of gold in his possession. 

Mustafa Kul, who raised this issue in parliament, was beaten by Welfare Party members. 

The military was disturbed by the “secularism will be destroyed” actions. 

Erbakan’s famous speech in parliament: “Will the transition be sweet, or will it be bloody?” 

Sharia law seemed to be at the door. 

1994 – The Selim Edes and Engin Civan corruption scandal. 

Selim Edes, a businessman, bribed Engin Civan, general manager of Emlak Bank (a state-owned bank), to resolve a business matter. However, a few days after the bribe, Civan left the bank, and the issue remained unresolved. When Edes asked for the money back, Civan allegedly responded, “What money?” 

In response, Edes involved the Özal family, Alaattin Çakıcı, and Dündar Kılıç. 

Civan was shot in the arm. 

Selim Edes’ famous line, “Is there a receipt for a bribe, you pimp?” became infamous. 

This event highlighted the recklessness of the ANAP era and how state banks were being drained. 

As 1994 came to a close, European Union matters gained attention. 

Turkey joined the European Customs Union. 

On May 1, 2004, South Cyprus became a member of the European Union, while Turkey’s efforts remained in vain. 

Summary of 1994: PKK activities and attacks were on the rise, while the state became increasingly harsh. The political landscape was complex, and the Welfare Party continued its rise.

Episode 4

As 1995 began, a period of fear set in. Terms like *Gladio*, *counter-guerrilla*, and *deep state* became popular. 

March 12, 1995 – The Gazi Neighborhood Massacre. 

Hanefi Avcı claimed on the July 7, 1997 *32nd Day* program that the state was behind these events. 

The situation escalated, leading to clashes between Alevis and the police. 

Some police officers were seen dragging a dead woman’s body next to a garbage container. 

The governor’s office sought help from Inanç Önder, the head of the Cem Foundation and a religious leader at the time, because the situation had grown too large to control. 

The events spread nationwide. 

The aftermath fell on the head of the Gaziosmanpaşa police, who was suspended. 

Reports showed that the police had deliberately killed many people, and among the police, there were civilians involved in unsolved murders. 

When Baykal became the head of the CHP, he demanded the resignation of the General Director of Security, Menzil, as a condition for continuing the coalition. 

Court cases were opened, with the police being hailed as heroes and the plaintiffs branded as traitors. 

Families who lost loved ones later took their cases to the European Court of Human Rights. 

Years later, the name of retired general Veli Küçük would come up in the Ergenekon indictment in connection with the Gazi massacre, but the truth would never fully be understood. 

Operation *Çelik* was launched in northern Iraq with 35,000 soldiers under the command of Hasan Kundakçı. 

Meanwhile, a scandal known as the “Prostitute Scandal” emerged in the European Parliament. 

Villages that provided the smallest assistance to the PKK near the border were burned down. 

Hasan Ocak was killed in custody, found in a village in Beykoz, tortured with cigarette burns and electrical shocks. 

Incidents like this sparked a rise in civil disobedience. 

The “Saturday Mothers” protests began. Mothers would gather every Saturday, demanding answers for their children who disappeared in custody, but the police eventually cracked down violently. 

The film *Boran* also touched on this subject. 

Doğu Ergil published an article in which the “Kurdish issue” was mentioned for the first time. 

Doğu Ergil’s Kurdish Report: 

1. The Kurds do not see the PKK as a terrorist organization. 

2. They complain about mistreatment and insults from the state. 

3. The majority do not want a separate state. 

4. Their demands include the right to their native language, job opportunities, and equal treatment. 

After this report, TOBB (Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey) president Doğu Ergil faced many accusations. 

At that time, the country was in an economic crisis, many banks collapsed, and interest rates soared to 150%. 

Demirel stated that the country needed early elections. 

Deniz Baykal dissolved the coalition because the resignation of the police chief responsible for the Gazi events was not accepted. 

In the December 24, 1995 general elections, the Welfare Party emerged as the leader, and Erbakan became prime minister. 

The votes were very close, with the Welfare Party winning by a narrow margin. 

The Welfare Party’s success was largely due to its achievements in local governance. 

At rallies, chants of “Mücahit Erbakan” were heard. 

Summary of 1995: Clashes between the state and Alevis, conflict between the PKK and the Kurds, the Gazi events, disappearances in custody, the northern Iraq operation, concerns among secular circles, the rise of the Welfare Party, and unease within the military.

Episode 5

At the end of 1995 and the beginning of 1996, the Kardak Crisis erupted. 

The U.S. warned that the first to open fire would become America’s enemy. 

An assistant undersecretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs suggested an idea: a Turkish flag was secretly placed on a second islet. 

Turkish commandos quietly moved to the nearby islet at night and raised the flag. 

Two major incidents and the torture of high school students became emblematic of 1996. 

In Manisa, high school students protesting against tuition fees were detained. The situation spiraled out of control, and the students were tortured. CHP MP Sabri Ergül confirmed the allegations. 

The students were forced to confess membership in Dev-Sol, but the confessions were coerced. 

The Supreme Court intervened, and the high schoolers were released on the grounds that their statements had been made under torture. 

In the end, 10 police officers were sentenced to a total of 85 years in prison for torture. 

During that time, *Evrensel* newspaper journalist Metin Göktepe was tortured to death. 

His ribs were broken, he had suffered a brain hemorrhage, and had multiple fractures. 

The police tried to defend themselves with nonsensical excuses. 

January 9, 1996 – Özdemir Sabancı assassination. 

The DHKP-C claimed responsibility for the attack. 

Mustafa Duyar said he received the order from Dev-Sol leader Ercan Kartal. 

Traces of the deep state in the incident increased. 

Just as the killer was about to confess everything, he was found dead in his cell. 

The Karagümrük gang leaders claimed they had been ordered by the state to kill Mustafa Duyar and that Veli Küçük was behind it. 

Under pressure from the General Staff and other powers, the “Anayol Coalition” was formed between Mesut Yılmaz and Tansu Çiller. 

In reality, Yılmaz and Çiller despised each other. 

The Welfare Party launched investigations into Çiller and Yılmaz over issues such as TEDAŞ, TOFAŞ, and the secret budget. When ANAP members agreed to Çiller being tried in the Supreme Court, chaos ensued. When it was Yılmaz’s turn, DYP members reacted similarly. 

On June 6, 1996, Mesut Yılmaz returned the mandate to form a government to Demirel. 

June 28, 1996 – The Çiller-Erbakan coalition was formed.

Episode 6

When the coalition was formed, all the allegations against Çiller, such as the secret budget and her wealth, were dropped (which suggests blackmail may have been involved). 

In the rotational prime ministry, Erbakan was set to take the first term, which caused an uproar among DYP members when announced. 

On July 8, 1996, Erbakan became prime minister. 

The military was not pleased with Erbakan. 

Meanwhile, in the southeast, PKK female suicide bombers were wreaking havoc. 

At the same time, prison strikes were widespread. 

Erbakan met with Gaddafi to settle payments owed to Turkish contractors. 

During the meeting, Gaddafi criticized Turkey’s foreign policy and accused it of committing genocide against the Kurds, while Erbakan remained silent, causing public outrage. 

Erbakan aimed to form the *D-8*, an alliance of Islamic countries, as a counter to Europe’s *G-7*. 

University headscarf incidents escalated into anti-secular protests, with chants of “Long live Sharia.” 

November 3, 1996 – The Susurluk Car Crash occurred. 

The then-Minister of Interior, Mehmet Ağar, resigned (at Çiller’s request). 

The Parliamentary Susurluk Commission chairman at the time pursued JİTEM. 

RP MP Bülent Arınç criticized the Welfare Party for downplaying the Susurluk incident. 

The “One minute of darkness for a bright future” protests continued, with support from artists like Sezen Aksu, Uğur Yücel, and Orhan Pamuk. 

When Erbakan referred to the protesters as “people doing the gulu gulu dance,” the situation worsened. 

“The gulu gulu dance is something black people do. Black people are uncultured and ignorant,” said Necmettin Erbakan. 

Years later, Mehmet Ağar was sentenced to five years for his role in Susurluk.

Episode 7

Some within the military wanted to bring down the *Refahyol* coalition. The issue was the “religious fundamentalism” problem introduced by Refahyol. 

The military began gradually taking control (via the National Security Council, MGK). 

Civilian representatives were appointed to institutions like RTÜK, YÖK, and TRT. 

Mainstream media became closely aligned with the military. 

In early 1997, anti-Atatürk and anti-secular videos were broadcast on television by unknown individuals. 

The first major blow came from Refah MP Şevki Yılmaz, who stated, “I am Hezbollah; secularism is Satanic; civil law is based on the Bible.” 

Prominent party figure Hasan Hüseyin Ceylan said, “Kemalism is oppression.” 

On November 10, 1996, the mayor of Sultanbeyli filed a lawsuit against the military for erecting an Atatürk statue without permission. 

Kayseri mayor Şükrü Karatepe was arrested for his statements. 

Turkey became acquainted with the *Aczmendis*. 

The group’s leader, Müslüm Gündüz, made provocative remarks. 

In 1997, Gündüz was involved in a scandal where he was caught in bed with a young girl, which became a major topic. 

Despite all this, Refah continued its push for mosque construction and religious advancements, causing further unrest. 

On January 11, 1997, leaders of religious orders and officials from the Presidency of Religious Affairs had an iftar dinner with Erbakan. 

Following this, Hüsamettin Cindoruk founded a new party, the Democrat Turkey Party (DTP), gathering defectors from DYP. 

January 31, 1997 – An event in Ankara’s Sincan district featured a speech by the Iranian ambassador and Hezbollah posters, drawing attention. 

On February 2, 1997, tanks rolled through the streets of Sincan. 

Çiller strongly condemned this incident. 

The mayor of Sincan was removed from office, and the Iranian ambassador left Turkey. 

Çevik Bir famously said, “We just made a little adjustment to democracy.” 

The February 28 MGK meeting was approaching.

Episode 8

At the meeting, it was DYP’s Defense Minister Tuğran Tayan who requested a discussion on religious fundamentalism. 

Güven Erkaya took center stage during the meeting. 

Erkaya presented Erbakan with an 18-point list of demands, not as recommendations but as orders. 

There was a signing crisis—Erbakan didn’t sign the statement, but the military released it to the media anyway. 

Even though Erbakan and Çiller tried to delay and avoid signing, they were eventually forced to. 

Refahyol wanted to present the MGK’s decisions to parliament, but the Speaker of the Parliament, Mustafa Kalemli, refused to accept them. 

Debates over the decision to close down Imam Hatip schools echoed on the streets and in parliament. 

The infamous religious fundamentalism briefings began (aimed at convincing the public). 

The General Staff kept its building lights on at night to make a statement. 

Erzurum Gendarmerie Region Commander Brigadier General Osman Özbek criticized the prime minister and called him a pimp. 

When State Minister Abdullah Gül presented a complaint about this to Erbakan, Erbakan, seeking to avoid further escalation, did not sign it. 

On May 10, 1997, Çiller held a rally in Sultanahmet, harshly criticizing the media. 

April 4, 1997 – Alparslan Türkeş passed away. 

May 18, 1997 – MHP Congress, where fights broke out. 

At the congress, chants of “Çatlı is our pride” were heard. 

In the following congress, Devlet Bahçeli became the party leader. 

The Chief Public Prosecutor filed a case to shut down the Welfare Party, citing actions against secularism. 

The military said, “If necessary, we’ll even use weapons.” 

Many DYP MPs resigned. 

It was Süleyman Demirel who ultimately brought down the government.

Episode 9

On June 18, 1997, Erbakan presented the necessary signatures at a press conference to show that Yılmaz’s government would not receive a vote of confidence. 

Demirel tasked Mesut Yılmaz with forming a new government. 

The military was pleased. 

“According to Refahyol, power was lost because of the trio of media, businessmen, and the military.” 

The media was entirely under the control of the military. 

Güven Erkaya accused Meral Akşener (then Minister of the Interior) of spying on the naval forces. 

This led to the *Köstebek* case. 

There was a conflict over retirement, with Çiller stating, “If this continues, we might retire some generals.” 

Meanwhile, Yılmaz formed a coalition with Ecevit and Cindoruk. 

The *EMASYA* protocol was established. 

Conservative university rectors were pressured to resign, and an investigation was opened against Gökçek. 

One of the most controversial decisions of the February 28th process was the introduction of uninterrupted eight-year compulsory education. 

At the time, Bülent Ecevit praised Fethullah Gülen’s schools, and the government did not block Imam Hatip graduates from entering other faculties, which upset the military. 

Yılmaz rejected the military’s proposals to extend their terms. 

The Chief Public Prosecutor referred to Refah Party members as “bloodsucking bats.” 

Finally, the Refah Party was dissolved for violating secularism, and Erbakan, along with six senior officials, received a five-year political ban. 

After Refah’s dissolution, the *Fazilet* Party was quickly formed. 

Erdoğan was taken to the State Security Court (DGM) for a poem he had recited. 

According to Erdoğan, he used his prison time to plan for the future. 

PKK’s second-in-command, Şemdin Sakık, was captured. 

Sakık accused some journalists of collaborating with the PKK. 

However, these claims were later revealed to be fabrications by the military. 

Sakık retracted his statements in court.

Episode 10

By the time 1999 arrived, the energy of the *ANASOL-D* coalition under Mesut Yılmaz was dwindling. 

The *Türkbank* auction and mafia involvement occurred, leading Baykal to withdraw his support from Yılmaz. 

On September 16, 1998, General Atilla Ateş delivered a speech at the Syrian border, threatening Syria. 

Husni Mubarak (President of Egypt) met with Hafez al-Assad. 

Hafez al-Assad reportedly said, “Let Öcalan go wherever he wants, as long as he leaves here.” 

Öcalan sought refuge in Greece, but they refused to accept him. 

He then went to Moscow with permission. 

Turkish intelligence searched for Öcalan in Russia. 

He was later sent to Italy. 

Italy awaited a decision on extraditing Öcalan to Turkey for trial. 

Öcalan was housed in a villa with the help of the Communist Party, sparking outrage in Turkey against Italy. 

The only journalist to interview Öcalan in Rome was Tayfun Talipoğlu, but his interview was not published by *Sabah* newspaper. 

Italy refused to extradite Öcalan because of the death penalty in Turkey. 

Turkey planned a military operation, but when Washington didn’t grant permission, the plan was abandoned. However, the US realized Turkey’s seriousness. 

Greece issued Öcalan a new passport and sent him to Kenya. 

The CIA met with the MIT (Turkish intelligence) Undersecretary and provided detailed instructions on how to capture Öcalan, including the plane, equipment, and crew needed. 

The condition for this assistance was that Öcalan would be tried in court and not executed. 

The MIT Undersecretary immediately consulted the Prime Minister and President, and they approved. 

The İmralı prison was emptied. 

On the plane to capture Öcalan were a doctor, an intelligence officer, a foreign language expert, and three security personnel, all from MIT. 

Öcalan was lured onto the MIT plane with the promise of going to the Netherlands. 

In that year’s election, when Ecevit announced Öcalan’s capture, the DSP soared to first place. 

Fazilet Party’s Istanbul MP, Merve Kavakçı, entered the parliament in a headscarf for the oath-taking ceremony on May 2, 1999. 

In the *Politikanın Nabzı* program on TRT1, Demirel criticized Kavakçı (calling her an instigator). 

Abdullah Gül defended Kavakçı, saying, “If you don’t let her into parliament, don’t let her on trains or planes either.” 

Meanwhile, her Turkish citizenship was revoked because she had obtained US citizenship without informing the Ministry of the Interior. 

The Chief Public Prosecutor went to Kavakçı’s house at night. 

Ecevit did not defend this action by the prosecutor. 

On May 28, 1999, the DSP-MHP-ANAP coalition was formed. 

At the same time, the DGM (State Security Court) was dealing with Fethullah Gülen’s infiltration of bureaucracy, which had been caught on tape. 

After the DGM’s reports, Gülen went to Pennsylvania. 

August 17, 1999 – The Gölcük earthquake. 

November 12, 1999 – The Düzce earthquake. 

Mesut Yılmaz issued a self-criticism after the earthquake. 

Due to the lack of morgs, bodies were laid out near ice-skating rinks. 

The only success during the earthquakes came from AKUT (Search and Rescue Association). 

Aid poured in for the earthquake victims from Greece to the United States.

Episode 11

On June 29, 1999, Öcalan was sentenced to death. 

Öcalan’s trials continued, with the families of martyrs attending the hearings. 

The state and media worked to create public opposition to the death penalty, advocating against Öcalan’s execution. 

The primary reason for not executing Öcalan was the fear of significant bloodshed if he were hanged. 

During that time, many protests took place. 

Some argued that if Öcalan were executed, he would have been hailed as a hero (according to the Deputy MIT Undersecretary of the time). 

Additionally, due to Turkey’s EU accession process, the death penalty was not imposed. 

Moreover, there were 120 other convicts awaiting execution, and they argued that they should be hanged first. 

Ecevit and Yılmaz preferred to wait for the decision of the European Court of Human Rights, while Bahçeli opposed this but eventually agreed. 

In the following days, the death penalty was abolished, and Öcalan’s sentence was commuted to aggravated life imprisonment, saving him from execution. 

On December 11, 1999, Turkey was officially granted candidate status for EU membership. 

In January 2000, the leader of Hezbollah was killed in the Beykoz operation. 

The brutal crimes of Hezbollah were revealed, including burying people alive, encasing victims in concrete, and using pig ties for torture. Mehmet Emin Ekici became an informant. 

It was soon discovered that the state had turned a blind eye to Hezbollah because they were fighting against the PKK. 

On May 5, 2000, Ahmet Necdet Sezer, known for his staunch secularism, became Turkey’s 10th President. 

The “Return to Life” operation in prisons took place on December 19, 2000, resulting in deadly protests. 

On January 6, 2001, the “White Energy” operation began, revealing an energy corruption scandal. 

A military commander claimed that this fraud was orchestrated by the military, leading to tension between the government and the military. 

The energy minister resigned. 

Meanwhile, opposition to Erbakan grew within the *Fazilet* Party (May 14, 2000). 

After the *Refah* Party was closed during the February 28 process, *Fazilet* was founded, and when Erbakan was banned from politics, Recai Kutan became the party leader at Erbakan’s request (it was significant that names like Bülent Arınç, Abdullah Gül, and İbrahim Melih Gökçek were seen alongside him). 

When *Fazilet* faced possible closure after the Merve Kavakçı case, the younger members of the party (like Abdullah Gül, Arınç, and Gökçek) began charting a new path. 

The media dubbed this group the “reformists,” with Bülent Arınç and Abdullah Gül leading the movement. 

For the first time, Erbakan faced internal opposition, as he had always been obeyed until then. 

Few gave the reformists a chance. 

Abdullah Gül’s high vote count at the party congress surprised everyone.

Episode 12

As 2001 began, the military had almost all institutions under scrutiny. 

On February 19, 2001, during the National Security Council (MGK) meeting, Ahmet Necdet Sezer clashed with Ecevit. 

The infamous incident where Sezer threw a copy of the constitution occurred. 

Ecevit described the incident to the press as a state crisis. 

Following this, interest rates skyrocketed to 700%, the stock market crashed, and million-dollar investors withdrew from the country. 

This led to the 2001 economic crisis. 

The government sought a savior to extinguish the fire, and that person was Kemal Derviş. 

On March 1, 2001, Derviş arrived in Turkey. 

With confidence in Derviş, the IMF opened a line of credit, stabilizing the economy. 

On July 20, 2001, the *Milli Görüş* movement founded the *Saadet* Party (Erbakan’s traditionalist followers). 

The reformists did not join the *Saadet* Party. 

The *Fazilet* Party was dissolved. 

On August 14, 2001, the *Ak Parti* was founded, but Abdullah Gül did not become the leader. He handed leadership to Erdoğan, whose popularity had risen due to his poem recitation and imprisonment. 

Around that time, old tapes of Erdoğan resurfaced in the media, with statements like “You cannot be both a Muslim and secular.” 

Erdoğan put an end to this controversy with a speech. 

Until the party was founded, many old tapes and speeches, from unknown sources, were broadcast. 

Ecevit’s health deteriorated, and the health minister stated that Ecevit was in intensive care and did not have a proper doctor. 

Voices within the DSP (Democratic Left Party) began calling for Ecevit to step down: “It’s time for him to go.” 

There were arguments between Rahşan Ecevit and Hüsamettin Özkan. Ecevit didn’t want to relinquish power. 

There were resignations within the DSP. 

On July 7, 2002, Devlet Bahçeli called for early elections, surprising Yılmaz and Ecevit. 

On July 31, 2002, the decision for early elections was approved. 

A new party, the *Yeni Türkiye* Party, was founded, and they wanted Kemal Derviş to join, but he surprised everyone by joining the CHP. 

Meanwhile, Erdoğan became the star of the election rallies. 

*Ak Parti’s* advantage in the election was its youth and women’s branches, which helped it connect with the people (as Erdoğan said). 

The most dramatic rallies were those of the DSP, with Ecevit unwell. 

The Constitutional Court annulled Erdoğan’s parliamentary candidacy due to the poem he recited in Siirt. 

Then, the Chief Public Prosecutor opened a closure case against the *AKP*. 

On November 3, 2002, *Ak Parti* won with 34.2% of the vote. 

*ANAP* leader Mesut Yılmaz and *DYP* leader Tansu Çiller resigned. 

The DSP received only 1.5% of the vote. 

The CHP became the sole opposition party. 

The task of forming the 58th government was given to Abdullah Gül because Erdoğan could neither become a prime minister nor a member of parliament. 

With support from the CHP, Erdoğan’s political ban was lifted, and on March 14, 2003, he took the helm as Prime Minister of the 59th government.